The House in the Horseshoe

July 29, 2014



The House in the Horseshoe, also known as the Alston House, is a historic home in Moore County, North Carolina, and a historic site managed by the North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources’ Historic Sites division. The home, built in 1772 by Philip Alston, was the site of a battle between loyalists under the command of David Fanning and patriot militiamen under Alston’s command on either July 29 or August 5, 1781 (the date being unclear in available records).[2] The battle ended with Alston’s surrender to Fanning, in which Alston’s wife negotiated the terms with the loyalists.[3]


Reenactors defend the House in the Horseshoe

In 1798, the home was sold to Benjamin Williams, who would become Governor of North Carolina from 1799-1802, and again in 1807-1808. Williams owned approximately 103 slaves and produced about 300 acres of cotton annually at the site of the house.[3]

The Moore County Historical Association purchased the home in 1954, and ownership was then transferred to the state in 1955. The property was made a North Carolina Historic Site in 1971. The property is now used as a museum and as the site of Revolutionary War reenactments and living history demonstrations each year.[4]


  1. “National Register Information System”. National Register of Historic Places. National Park Service
  2. William H. Thompson, Jr.”House in the Horseshoe”, Encyclopedia of North Carolina, William S. Powell, ed. (UNC Press, 2006)
  3. Thompson, Jessica. “House in the Horseshoe”. North Carolina History Project. John Locke Foundation
  4. “Carthage house saw Revolutionary War battle”. Capital Broadcasting Company. June 17, 2011

Captain Samuel Whittemore, the oldest combatant in the American Revolution

July 27, 2014



Samuel Whittemore was eighty years of age when he became the oldest known colonial combatant in the American Revolutionary War.[1]

Whittemore was born July 27, 1694, in England. He came to North America in 1745 as an officer in the British Army, where he fought in King George’s War (1744-48). He was involved in the capture of the French stronghold, Fort Louisburg. After the war he stayed in the colonies, settling in Menotomy, Massachusetts (present-day Arlington). He subsequently fought in the French and Indian War (1754-63) at the age of 64, once again assisting in the capture of Fort Louisburg.[2]


Samuel Whittemore

On April 19, 1775, British forces were returning to Boston from the Battles of Lexington and Concord, the opening engagements of the war. On their march they were continually shot at by colonial militiamen.

Whittemore was in his fields when he spotted an approaching British relief brigade under Earl Percy, sent to assist the retreat. Whittemore loaded his musket and ambushed the British from behind a nearby stone wall, killing one soldier. He then drew his dueling pistols and killed a grenadier and mortally wounded a second. By the time Whittemore had fired his third shot, a British detachment reached his position; Whittemore drew his sword and attacked. He was shot in the face, bayoneted thirteen times, and left for dead in a pool of blood. He was found alive, trying to load his musket to fight again. He was taken to Dr. Cotton Tufts of Medford, who perceived no hope for his survival. However, Whittemore lived another 18 years until dying on February 3, 1793, of natural causes at the age of 98.

Editor’s Note: Details of Samuel Whittemore’s remarkable confrontation with the British soldiers is reprinted from the February 1997 Edition of “The Liberty Tree” and “Valley Compatriot Newsletter.”

It is recorded that Sam believed in American independence stating that he wanted his descendants to be able to enact their own laws and not be subject to a distant king. So, it is not surprising when he again took up arms on April 19th, 1775.

That night he watched as Colonel Smith led his column of 700 soldiers through Menotomy. He was probably concerned, but the British had come out of Boston before and there had not been any serious trouble. Later that morning he heard rumors that there had been fighting at Lexington and Concord. But, when General Percy marched through the town with an additional 1,400 soldiers, Sam’s military experience told him there was serious trouble – – ‘why else would the British be sending reinforcements?’ , he probably asked himself.

Word had come to Menotomy that the combined, heavily engaged, columns of Smith and Percy were retreating toward the town, and were burning homes along the way, so the aged warrior decided to take action in spite of his being eighty years old! He strapped on his captured french sword, stuck his brace of dueling pistols in his belt, put on his powder horn and shot bag, took his musket from its place on his fireplace mantle and went to war!

Sam selected a position that gave him a excellent view of the road from Lexington, and sat down to wait. His fellow minuteman from Menotomy pleaded for him to find a safer position, but he choose to ignore them.

His fellow minuteman started firing at the oncoming British Grenadiers of the 47th Regiment of Foot, falling back to reload, then firing again. Sam waited. Finally, when the column was directly in front of him, he stood and fired his musket. A grenadier fell dead. He drew his two pistols, firing both at almost point blank range. Another grenadier fell dead, a third fell mortally wounded. The British soldiers were on top of him, he had not the time to reload his musket or pistols, so drawing his sword, he . started flailing away at the bayonet wielding soldiers. A soldier leveled his Brown Bess musket, at point blank range and fired. The .69 calibre ball struck Sam in the cheek, tearing away part of his face and throwing him to the ground. Sam valiantly tried to rise, fending off bayonet thrusts with his sword, but he was overpowered. Struck in the head with a musket butt, he went down again, then was bayoneted thirteen times and left for dead.


Samuel Whittemore fighting with his sword

The British continued their fight through the streets of Menotomy, which turned out to be the costliest action of the day. They left forty of their soldiers dead in the town and another eighty wounded, half the casualties of the day.

After the British column had fought its way clear, the town’s people and minuteman started to search for their wounded compatriots. Several had seen Sam Whittemore’s “last stand” and approached to remove his body. To everyone’s astonishment Sam was not only still alive, but conscious and still full of fight. Laying there, he was trying to load his musket!

Using a door as a makeshift stretcher, Sam was carried to Cooper Tavern, which was being used as a emergency hospital. Doctor Nathaniel Tufts of Medford attended to Sam. He cut off his bloody clothes, and exposed the gaping bayonet wounds. Sam’s face was horribly injured. Doctor Tufts knew the injuries were fatal, stating it wouldn’t do any good to even dress the wounds. Sam’s family and friends insisted and Dr. Tufts did the best he could. He tried to make the old man as comfortable as possible. After his wounds were attended to Sam was carried to his home, to die surrounded by his family. To everyone’s utter amazement Captain Sam Whittemore lived! He recovered and remained active for the next eighteen years. He was terribly scarred, but always was proud of what he had done for his adopted country. He is quoted as having stated that he would take the same chances again.

You can question the old soldier’s tactical judgment, making the stand in the manner he did, but you can never question his bravery. He also proved you are never too old!


1. 2005 Massachusetts Senate bill no. 1839, at the Wayback Machine

2. Moran, Donald N.. “Never Too Old: The Story of Captain Samuel Whittemore”

3. The Liberty Tree and Valley Compatriot Newsletter, February 1997

Continental Navy Captain John Burroughs Hopkins and the Gaspée Affair

July 25, 2014



John Burroughs Hopkins was a captain of the Continental Navy during the American Revolutionary War.


Hopkins was born July 25, 1742 in Newport, Rhode Island, the son of Continental navy commander-in-chief Esek Hopkins. John Hopkins was one of seven commanders involved in the Gaspée Affair, in which a British ship was destroyed. This was one of the leading causes of the Revolutionary War. John B. Hopkins was made one of five captains under his father according to in, December 1775, the United States Congress Marine Committee’s meeting to discuss ranking the officers. He served in distinction during the war, the Providence Gazette, on March 12, 1796, called him an “eminent nautical commander.”

He died December 5, 1796 and is buried in the North Burial Ground in Providence, Rhode Island.


The Penobscot Expedition to reclaim Maine begins

July 24, 2014



The Penobscot Expedition was an American naval expedition sent to reclaim Maine, which the British had conquered and renamed New Ireland. It was the largest American naval expedition of the American Revolution and was the United States’ worst naval defeat until Pearl Harbor.[6] The fighting took place both on land and on sea, in what is today Castine, Maine. The defeat of the Expedition was one of the greatest British victories of the war.

In June 1779, British Army forces under the command of British General Francis McLean established a series of fortifications centered on the British fort, Fort George, located on the Majabigwaduce Peninsula in Penobscot Bay, with the goals of establishing a military presence on that part of the coast and beginning a new colony to be known as New Ireland. In response, the state of Massachusetts, with some support from the Continental Congress, raised an expedition to drive the British out.

The Americans landed troops in late July and attempted to establish a siege of the Fort George in a series of actions seriously hampered by disagreements over control of the expedition between Commodore Dudley Saltonstall and General Solomon Lovell. For two weeks British General Francis McLean held off the assault until a British fleet under the command of Sir George Collier arrived on August 13th, driving the American fleet to total self-destruction up the Penobscot River. The survivors of the American expedition were forced to make an overland journey back to more-populated parts of Massachusetts with minimal food and armament.


“Destruction of the American Fleet at Penobscot Bay,” August 14, 1779, by Dominic Serres, circa 1779, courtesy of the National Maritime Museum, London.

Following partially successful Battle of Machias in 1777, as well as General John Burgoyne’s failed Saratoga campaign, British war planners looked for other ways to gain control over the rebellious New England colonies, while most of their effort was directed at another campaign targeted at the southern colonies. Lord Germain, the Secretary of State responsible for the war effort, and his under-secretary, William Knox, wanted to establish a base on the coast of the District of Maine (which was then a part of Massachusetts) that could be used to protect Nova Scotia’s shipping and communities from American privateers and raiders.[7]

Opportunity arrived when John Nutting, a Loyalist who had piloted Sir George Collier’s expedition against Machias, came to London with the idea of establishing a British military presence in Maine. In September 1778, Nutting left for New York carrying orders for Lieutenant General Sir Henry Clinton to assist with the establishment of “a province between the Penobscot and St. Croix rivers. Post to be taken on Penobscot River.”[8] It was Knox’s idea to call this province New Ireland.[6] Unfortunately for the British, Nutting’s ship was captured by an American privateer, and he was forced to dump his dispatches, putting an end to execution of the idea in 1778.[8]

Nutting reached New York in January 1779, but General Clinton had received copies of the orders from other messengers. Clinton had already assigned the expedition to General Francis McLean, who was based in Halifax, so he sent Nutting there with Germain’s detailed instructions.[9]

McLean’s expedition set sail from Halifax on May 30, 1779, and arrived in Penobscot Bay on June 12. The next day McLean and Andrew Barkley, the captain of the naval convoy, identified a suitable site at which they could establish a post.[10] On June 16, his forces began landing on a peninsula that was then called Majabigwaduce (now Castine), between the mouth of the Bagaduce River and a finger of the bay leading to the Penobscot River.[6] The troops numbered approximately 700: 50 men of the Royal Artillery and engineers, 450 of the 74th Regiment of (Highland) Foot and 200 of the 82nd (Duke of Hamilton’s) Regiment.[1] These began to build a fortification on the peninsula, which jutted into the bay and commanded the principal passage into the inner harbor.

The principal works, called Fort George, was in the center of the small peninsula, with two batteries outside the fort to provide cover for the Albany, which was the only ship expected to stay in the area. A third battery was constructed on an island south of the bay in which Albany was harbored, near the mouth of the Bagaduce River. Construction of the works occupied the troops for the next month, until rumors came that an American expedition was being raised to oppose them,[11] following which efforts were redoubled to have works suitable for defense against the Americans prepared before they arrived.[12] Albany’s captain, Henry Mowat, who was familiar with Massachusetts politics, took the rumors (which were followed by reports that a fleet had left Boston) quite seriously, and convinced General McLean to leave additional ships that had been part of the initial convoy as further defense. Some of the convoy ships had already left; orders for armed sloops North and Nautilus were countermanded before they were able to leave.[13]

When news of this reached the American authorities in Boston, they hurriedly made plans to drive the British from the area. The Penobscot River was the gateway to lands controlled by the Penobscot Indians, who generally favored the British. Congress feared that if a fort were successfully constructed at the mouth of the river, all chance of enlisting the Penobscots as allies would be lost. Massachusetts was also motivated by the fear of losing their claim over the territory to rival states in any post-war settlement.[14]

To spearhead the expedition, Massachusetts petitioned Congress for the use of three Continental Navy warships—the 12-gun sloop Providence, 14-gun brig Diligent, and 32-gun frigate Warren—while the rest of over 40 ships were made up of ships of the Massachusetts State Navy and private vessels under the command of Commodore Dudley Saltonstall. The Massachusetts authorities mobilized more than 1,000 militia, acquired six small field cannons, and placed Brigadier General Solomon Lovell in command of the land forces. The expedition departed from Boston on July 24 and arrived off Penobscot Bay that same day.

On July 25, nine of the larger vessels in the American flotilla exchanged fire with the Royal Navy ships from 3.30 p.m to 7.00 p.m. While this was going on, seven American boats approached the shore for a landing but turned back when enemy fire killed an American-allied Native warrior in one of the boats.[15] On July 26, Lovell sent a force of Continental Marines to capture the British battery on Nautilus Island (also known as Banks Island),[16] while the militia were to land at Bagaduce. The marines achieved their objective but the militia turned back when British shot overturned the leading boat, drowning Major Daniel Littlefield and two of his men.[17] Meanwhile, 750 men under Lovell landed and began construction of siege works under constant fire. On July 27, the American artillery bombarded the British fleet for three hours, wounding four men aboard HMS Albany.[18]

On July 28, under heavy covering fire from the Tyrannicide, the Hunter and the Sky Rocket, Brigadier General Peleg Wadsworth led an assault force of 400 (200 marines and 200 militia)[19] ashore before dawn at Dyce’s Head on the western tip of the peninsula with orders to capture the British fort. They landed on the narrrow beach and advanced up the steep bluff leading to the fort. The British pickets, who included Lieutenant John Moore, put up a determined resistance but received no reinforcement from the fort and were forced to retire, leaving the Americans in possession of the heights. Eight British troops were captured.[4] At this point, Lovell ordered the attackers to halt and entrench where they were. Instead of assaulting the fort, Lovell had decided to build a battery within “a hundred rods” of the British lines and bombard them into surrender.[20] The American casualties in the assault had been severe: “one hundred out of four hundred men on the shore and bank”,[21] with the Continental Marines suffering more heavily than the militia. Commodore Saltonstall was so appalled by the losses incurred by his marines that he refused to land any more and even threatened to recall those already on shore.[19]

On July 29, 1 American was killed.[22] On July 30, both sides cannonaded each other all day.[23] On July 31, 2 American sailors belonging to the Active were wounded by a shell.[22] On August 1, Lovell ordered a night assault on the Half-Moon Battery, next to Fort George, whose guns posed a danger to the American shipping. The Americans opened fire at 2.00 a.m. Colonel Samuel McCobb’s center column, comprising his own Lincoln County Regiment, broke and fled as soon as the British returned fire. The left column comprising Captain Thomas Carnes and a detachment of marines, and the right column comprising sailors from the fleet, both kept going and stormed the Battery. As dawn broke, the Fort’s guns opened up on the captured battery and a detachment of redcoats charged out and recaptured the Half-Moon, routing the Americans, who took 18 prisoners with them. Their own casualties were 4 men missing (who were killed) and 12 wounded.[24] The siege continued with minor skirmishing. On August 2, militiaman Wheeler Riggs, of Falmouth, was killed by an enemy cannon shot that bounced off a tree before hitting him.[22] On August 4, Surgeon John Calef recorded in his journal that several men were wounded in exchanges of fire.[25] On August 5, one American-allied Indian was killed and another man captured.[22] On August 7, 100 Americans engaged 80 British but the only casualties were 1 killed and 1 wounded on the American side and 2 wounded among the British.[26]

During this time, the British had been able to send word of their condition, and request reinforcements. On August 3, British commander George Collier led a fleet of 10 warships out of New York.[27]

On August 11, about 250 American militia advanced from their fortified camp and occupied a recently abandoned battery about a quarter mile from the British fort. As expected, a sortie of about 55 British troops advanced from the fort to engage: but the poorly trained American troops fired only one volley at the attacking British troops, inflicting about 13 casualties, and fled back to their fort, leaving behind all of their arms and equipment.

The next day, Saltonstall finally decided to launch a naval attack against the British fort, but Collier in command of the British relief fleet arrived and attacked the American ships.[28] Over the next two days, the American fleet fled upstream on the Penobscot River, pursued by the Collier. On August 13, an American officer was wounded by enemy fire.[22] Several vessels were scuttled or burned along the way with the rest destroyed at Bangor. In the 18th century there were rapids at Bangor at the approximate location of the old Water Works. The surviving crews then fled overland back to Boston with virtually no food or ammunition.

Over the course of the siege, Colonel David Stewart claims the British garrison suffered 25 killed and 34 wounded.[3] Stewart gives no figures for captured or missing but 26 prisoners are known to have been taken by the Americans.[4]

Apart from the 100 men killed and wounded during the assault of July 28, the known American casualties throughout the siege came to 12 killed, 16 wounded and 1 captured, in addition to “several wounded” on August 4. This adds up to at least 130 killed and wounded. The History of Penobscot says that “our whole loss of men was probably not less than 150″.[29] The chaotic retreat however, brought the American loss up to 474 killed, wounded, captured or missing.[5]

A committee of inquiry blamed the American failure on poor coordination between land and sea forces and on Commodore Saltonstall’s failure to engage the British naval forces. Saltonstall was declared to be primarily responsible for the debacle, and he was court-martialed, found guilty, and dismissed from military service. Paul Revere, who commanded the artillery in the expedition, was accused of disobedience and cowardice. This resulted in his dismissal from the militia, even though he was later cleared of the charges. Peleg Wadsworth, who mitigated the damage by organizing a retreat, was not charged in the court martial.

The British evacuated the area pursuant to the terms of the 1783 Peace of Paris, abandoning their attempts to establish New Ireland. During the War of 1812 the British again occupied the area they called New Ireland, and used it as a naval base before withdrawing again with the arrival of peace. Full ownership of present-day Maine (principally the northeastern borders with New Brunswick) remained disputed until the Webster-Ashburton Treaty in 1842. Maine was a part of Massachusetts until 1820, when it was admitted into the Union as the 23rd state.


  1. Buker, p. 11
  2. Campbell, p. 498
  3. Stewart, p. 115
  4. Buker, p. 176, note 67
  5. Boatner, p. 852
  6. Bicheno, p.149
  7. Buker, pp. 4–5
  8. Buker, p. 5
  9. Buker, p. 6
  10. Buker, p. 7
  11. Buker, p. 13
  12. Buker, p. 15
  13. Buker, p. 14
  14. Bicheno, pp. 149–150
  15. Buker, p. 37
  16. A Naval History of the American Revolution: Chapter XII, The Penoboscot Expedition,
  17. Buker, pp. 36,39–40
  18. Buker, p. 41
  19. Goold, quoting General Wadsworth
  20. Buker, pp. 42–45
  21. Williams and Chase, p. 89, quoting William D. Williamson’s History of Maine. Williamson got this casualty information directly from General Wadsworth
  22. Goold, quoting William Moody’s Journal
  23. Buker, p. 49
  24. Buker, pp. 50–52
  25. Buker, p. 56
  26. Buker, p. 66
  27. Campbell, p. 497
  28. Bicheno, p. 152
  29. Williams and Chase, p. 90


  • Bicheno, Hugh (2003). Redcoats and Rebels: The American Revolutionary War. London: Harper Collins. ISBN 978-0-00-715625-2. OCLC 51963515
  • Boatner, Mark Mayo (1966). Cassell’s Biographical Dictionary of the American War of Independence, 1763-1783. London: Cassell & Company. ISBN 0-304-29296-6
  • Buker, George E (2002). The Penobscot Expedition: Commodore Saltonstall and the Massachusetts Conspiracy of 1779. Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 1-55750-212-9. OCLC 47869426
  • Campbell, John; Berkenhout, John, and Yorke, Henry Redhead (1813). Lives of the British Admirals: Containing Also a New and Accurate Naval History, from the Earliest Periods, volume 5. London: C. J. Barrington. OCLC 17689863
  • Goold, Nathan (2000). “Bagaduce Expedition, 1779: Paper read before the Maine Historical Society, October 27, 1898″ (PHP). Rick Hagen
  • Hunter III, James W (2003). “Penobscot Expedition Archaeological Project Field Report” (PDF). Naval Historical Center
  • Stewart, David (1977 (first published, 1822)). Sketches of the Character, Manners, and Present State of the Highlanders of Scotland; with Details of the Military Service of the Highland Regiments. Volume II. Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers
  • Wheeler, George A (1875). History of Castine: Battle Line of Four Nations. Bangor, Maine: Burr & Robinson. OCLC 2003716
  • Williams and Chase (1882). History of Penobscot, Maine, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches. Cleveland, OH: Williams, Chase & Co.

Battle of Bull’s Ferry

July 20, 2014



The Battle of Bull’s Ferry on July 20-21, 1780, saw two American brigades under Brigadier General Anthony Wayne attack a party of Loyalist Americans led by Thomas Ward. The Loyalists successfully defended a blockhouse against an ineffective bombardment by four American artillery pieces and a failed attempt to storm the position by Wayne’s infantry. During the action, American light dragoons under Major Light Horse Harry Lee drove off a large number of cattle that were kept in the area for the use of the British army in New York City. The clash inspired British Major John André to write a satirical ballad entitled The Cow Chace. The skirmish was fought at Bulls Ferry, New Jersey in the Northern theater of the American Revolutionary War after Saratoga. At this stage of the conflict only raids and minor actions occurred in the north.


Bulls Ferry Road descends from the top of the Hudson Palisades down to the river.

The Battle of Monmouth on June 28, 1778 was the last significant engagement in the north.[1] After the battle, George Washington marched his army to Brunswick, New Jersey, arriving there on July 2. Leaving William Maxwell’s brigade in New Jersey, the main body of the American army crossed the Hudson River. By July 24, Washington’s army arrived at White Plains, New York and placed the British garrison of New York City in a blockade that lasted the remainder of the war. In late July, the French admiral Charles Hector, comte d’Estaing arrived off Sandy Hook with one 90-gun ship of the line, one 80, six 74s, two 64s, and one 50, plus four frigates. Badly outgunned, Sir Richard Howe prepared to defend the entrance to New York harbor with six 64s, three 50s, six frigates, four galleys, and an armed merchantman. Meanwhile, British commander Sir Henry Clinton at Sandy Hook needed Howe’s ships to transport his army to New York, otherwise he might be trapped. D’Estaing, whose larger vessels drew 30 feet was informed by local pilots that there was only 23 feet of water over the bar. On the morning of July 22, the frustrated French admiral sailed away. That afternoon a high tide pushed 30 feet of water over the bar and thus an opportunity to end the war in 1778 was missed. [2]

On September 27, 1778, the British wiped out the 3rd Continental Light Dragoons in the Baylor Massacre.[3] On the American side, Anthony Wayne carried out a brilliant coup in the Battle of Stony Point on July 16, 1779.[4] This feat was followed on August 19, 1779, by another successful raid by Light Horse Harry Lee in the Battle of Paulus Hook.[5]

With a total of 27,000 troops on the Atlantic coast of North America, Clinton decided to move against Charleston, South Carolina. Leaving Wilhelm von Knyphausen to hold New York with 10,000 soldiers, Clinton embarked for the south with 8,700 troops in the fleet of Mariot Arbuthnot on December 26, 1779.[6] Clinton was later reinforced so that his army numbered 12,500. The subsequent capitulation of Benjamin Lincoln’s army in the Siege of Charleston on 12 May 1780 represented the largest American mass surrender of the war. As many as 5,500 men were captured, including 2,650 irreplaceable Continental Army soldiers. Leaving Lord Charles Cornwallis in South Carolina with two-thirds of the army, Clinton headed back to New York.[7]

Meanwhile, Knyphausen staged the Springfield Raid in June 1780. The Hessian general started out with 5,000 men on June 7. That day, he was successfully blocked by Elias Dayton’s Continentals and militia in the Battle of Connecticut Farms. Clinton returned to New York on 17 June. Hearing that a French fleet and army was on the way to Newport, Rhode Island, the British commander sent some ships up the Hudson to make it difficult for the Americans to cross to the east side and join the French. Washington moved his army to cover his key fort at West Point, New York on the Hudson, leaving Nathanael Greene to shield his base at Morristown, New Jersey. On June 23, Knyphausen lunged at Morristown. In the Battle of Springfield, Greene’s division slowed the Hessian general’s thrust. That evening Knyphausen withdrew into Staten Island.[8]

On July 20, 1780, Washington ordered Wayne to take the 1st and 2nd Pennsylvania Brigades, four artillery pieces, and Stephen Moylan’s 4th Continental Light Dragoons to destroy a British blockhouse at Bulls Ferry, opposite New York City. The stockade position was held by 70 Loyalists commanded by Thomas Ward, providing a base for British woodcutting operations and protection against raids by American militia.[9]

At that time, the British kept cattle and horses on Bergen Neck to the south, within easy reach of foragers from the British garrison at Paulus Hook. A second motive for Wayne’s operation was to seize the livestock for the use of Washington’s army. Wayne sent his cavalry under the leadership of Harry Lee to round up the cattle, while he took three regiments and the artillery to attack the blockhouse.[10]

Early on July 21, Wayne bombarded the blockhouse with his four cannons, but an hour later there were no discernible results. After being peppered with accurate fire from the blockhouse, the American soldiers from the 1st and 2nd Pennsylvania Regiments became impatient. Despite their officers’ attempts to stop them, the soldiers dashed forward through the abatis to the base of the stockade. Once there, they found it impossible to break into the defensive works, and were forced to retreat.[11]

Aside from John Andrés’ ballad, the consequences of the skirmish were the loss of lives and the seizure of cattle. Wayne reported losses of 15 enlisted men killed, plus three officers and 46 enlisted men wounded. Clinton estimated that Wayne had almost 2,000 troops available. He admitted the loss of 21 casualties and reported that 50 round shot penetrated the blockhouse.[11] In a poetical note at the end of The Cow Chace, André suggested that five Loyalists were killed.

Five refugees (’tis true) were found,

Stiff on the blockhouse floor;

But then ’tis thought the shot went round,

And in at the back door.[10]


British Major John André penned a satirical verse The Cow Chace about the battle.

In one stanza, the British major poked fun at American claims that their cannon balls could not damage the blockhouse.

No shot could pass, if you will take

The General’s word for true;

But ’tis a d(amna)ble mistake,

For every shot went through.[10]

Lee rounded up a substantial number of cattle and returned them to Washington’s camp. Wayne burned the wood-cutters’ boats and captured some of the boatmen. From André’s fifth stanza, it is clear that Colonel Thomas Proctor commanded Wayne’s artillery.[10] Proctor was born in Ireland (“remoter Shannon”).[12]

And sons of distant Delaware,

And still remoter Shannon,

And Major Lee with horses rare,

And Procter with his cannon.[10]

André mocked Wayne’s subordinate Brigadier General William Irvine, who fought at Bull’s Ferry.[13] The British major credited Irvine, misspelled “Irving”, with command of the attack on the blockhouse while Wayne and Lee had the easy work of cattle rustling.


William Irvine was viciously lampooned by André.

At Irving’s nod ’twas fine to see,

The left prepare to fight;

The while, the drovers, Wayne and Lee,

Drew off upon the right.[10]

Two later stanzas made fun of the retreat of Irvine’s column.

Irving and terror in the van,

Came flying all abroad;

And cannon, colors, horse, and man,

Ran tumbling to the road.

Still as he fled, ’twas Irving’s cry,

And his example too,

“Run on, my merry men – For why?

The shot will not go through.”[10]


Light Horse Harry Lee’s dragoons rounded up cattle.

The British major even took a swipe at William Alexander, Lord Stirling who was not even involved in the operation.[10] Alexander had made an unsuccessful attempt to claim a Scottish earldom between 1756 and 1762.[14] His hard-drinking ways were well-known to British officers.[15]

Let none candidly infer,

That Stirling wanted spunk;

The self-made peer had sure been there,

But that the peer was drunk.[10]

Alluding to his pre-war career as a tanner,[16] André poked fun at Wayne in the first and last stanzas.

To drive the kine one summer’s morn,

The tanner took his way;

The calf shall rue that is unborn,

The jumbling of that day.

And now I’ve clos’d my epic strain,

I tremble as I show it,

Lest this same warrior-drover, Wayne,

Should ever catch the poet.[10]


  1. Boatner, 725
  2. Morrissey, 77-78
  3. Boatner, 1085-1086
  4. Boatner, 1062-1067
  5. Boatner, 836-841
  6. Boatner, 207-208
  7. Boatner, 212-214
  8. Boatner, 1045-1048
  9. Boatner, 119–120
  10., The Cow Chace 1780
  11. Boatner, 120
  12. Nead, Gen. Thomas Proctor
  13. Boatner, 546
  14. Boatner, 16
  15. Preston, 266–267
  16. Boatner, 1175


  • “The Cow Chace 1780″
  • Boatner, Mark M. III (1994). Encyclopedia of the American Revolution. Mechanicsburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books. ISBN 0-8117-0578-1
  • Morrissey, Brendan (2008). Monmouth Courthouse 1778: The last great battle in the North. Long Island City, N.Y.: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84176-772-7
  • Nead, Benjamin M. (1880) Pennsylvania Magazine of History & Biography. Vol. 4 No. 4. A sketch of Gen. Thomas Proctor, with some account of the First Pennsylvania Artillery in the Revolution
  • Preston, John Hyde (1962). Revolution 1776. New York, N.Y.: Washington Square Press

Lemuel Haynes: negro American minister and abolitionist

July 18, 2014



Lemuel Haynes was an influential black American religious leader who argued against slavery.


Little is known of his early life. He was born in July 18, 1753, in West Hartford, Connecticut, to a reportedly Caucasian mother of some status and a man named Haynes, who was said to be “of some form of African extraction”. According to the African American National Biography, his birth date is 18 July 1753 and he died the 28 September 1833.

At the age of five months, Lemuel Haynes was given over to indentured servitude in Granville, Massachusetts. Although serving as an agricultural worker, part of the agreement required educating him. Through accompanying his masters to church, he became exposed to Calvinistic thought and religiosity. At about twenty years of age, he saw the Aurora Borealis, and, fearing the approach of the Day of Judgment as a result, he soon accepted Christianity.

Freed in 1774 when his indenture expired, Haynes joined the minutemen of Granville. In 1775, he marched with his militia company to Roxbury, Massachusetts, following the news of the Battles of Lexington and Concord. In 1776, he accompanied them in the garrisoning of the recently captured Fort Ticonderoga. He returned to his previous labors in Granville after the northern campaign of the War of Independence.

After the American Revolution, Haynes began to write extensively, criticizing the slave trade and slavery. He also began to prepare sermons for family prayers and write theologically about life. The Scripture, abolitionism, and republicanism impacted his published writings. Haynes argued that slavery denied black people their natural rights to “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of happiness”. Paralleling the recent American experience with oppression to the slave experience, Haynes wrote:

“Liberty is equally as precious to a black man, as it is to a white one, and bondage as equally as intolerable to the one as it is to the other”.


“Reverend Lemuel Haynes in the Pulpit.” Papier-mâché tray by unknown artist. Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design.

By the 1780s, Haynes became a leading Calvinist minister in Vermont. His contemporary white republican and abolitionist thinkers saw slavery as a liability to the new country, but most argued for eventual slave expatriation to Africa. The American Colonization Society (founded in 1817) was one such group. Included among its supporters were people such as James Madison, James Monroe, Henry Clay and Daniel Webster. In contrast, Haynes continued to passionately argue along Calvinist lines that God’s providential plan would defeat slavery and lead to the harmonious integration of the races as equals.

As the first black in America to serve as pastor of a white congregation, Haynes ministered to Rutland’s West Parish for thirty years starting in 1783. Middlebury College granted Haynes an honorary master of arts in 1804, the first advanced degree ever bestowed upon an African American.[1][2]

Hayes died on September 28, 1833, in South Granville, New York, and is buried in the Lee-Oatman Cemetery.


Historian John Saillant (2003, p. 3) writes that Haynes’s “faith and social views are better documented than those of any African American born before the luminaries of the mid-nineteenth century.”

Lemuel Haynes House, his home for the last 11 years of his life in South Granville, New York, when he was pastor of South Granville Congregational Church was declared a National Historic Landmark in 1975. Originally sitting on a parcel of the PAR Farm, it was purchased from Charles Halderman in 2009 by Bo Young and William Foote, formerly of Brooklyn.


  • Kaplan, Sidney and Emma Nogrady Kaplan. The Black Presence in the Era of the American Revolution. Amherst, Massachusetts: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1989. ISBN 0-87023-663-6
  • Saillant, John. Black Puritan, Black Republican: The life and thought of Lemuel Haynes, 1753-1833. New York, Oxford University Press, 2003. ISBN 0-19-515717-6

Samuel Sterett, Maryland Statesman and Abolitionist

July 12, 2014



Samuel Sterett was a Representative from the fourth congressional district of Maryland.

Born in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, in 1758, Sterett moved with his parents to Baltimore, Maryland, in 1761. After he completed preparatory studies, he went to and graduated from the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. Afterwards held several local offices, was a member of the independent military company of Baltimore merchants in 1777, and in November 1782 he was appointed private secretary to Elias Boudinot, the newly elected President of Congress.

Sterett was elected to the Maryland State Senate in 1789. Following his service in the State Senate he was elected to the Second Congress (March 4, 1791-March 3, 1793), during which he also served as secretary of the Maryland Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery in 1791.


In 1812 Sterett became a member of the Baltimore committee of safety. He also served as captain of an independent company at the Battle of North Point September 12, 1814. Sterett was grand marshal in Baltimore at the laying of the foundation stone of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad on July 4, 1828.

Sterett died in Baltimore, Maryland, on July 12, 1833, and is interred in the burying ground of Westminster Church.



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